By Political Desk
Since the return of multiparty democracy, the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) has struggled to establish itself as a consistently winning national political force. Outside its traditional dominance in the Central Region, the party has largely failed to inspire broad-based national confidence. Following its emphatic defeat in the 16 September elections, serious questions are now being raised about whether MCP has the capacity—politically, structurally, or strategically—to stage a meaningful comeback anytime soon.
With the benefit of hindsight, political analysts widely agree that MCP’s surprise return to power in 2020 was not driven by the party’s institutional strength, but rather by the personal influence, mobilisation power and strategic energy of the late Vice President Saulos Klaus Chilima. His role in galvanising national support, especially among urban voters and the youth, proved decisive. Ironically, once in government, key figures within the MCP establishment steadily marginalised Chilima, distancing themselves from the very figure who had delivered them State House.
The party’s failure to retain Plot No. 1 despite commanding the full machinery of the state—public resources, incumbency advantage, and nationwide visibility—has further deepened doubts about its political viability. Observers argue that senior MCP officials who amassed significant personal wealth during the Lazarus Chakwera administration showed little interest in reinvesting in party structures or long-term strategy. Instead, self-preservation and personal accumulation took precedence over rebuilding a resilient political organisation.
In sharp contrast, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has maintained a disciplined and well-funded grassroots network. Its mobilisation structures remain active even outside election cycles, while its media and messaging operations are modern, aggressive, and strategically coordinated. MCP, on the other hand, has remained stuck in traditional campaign methods that failed to resonate with a rapidly evolving electorate.
This weakness was brutally exposed in the digital space during the recent elections. MCP Secretary General Richard Chimwendo Banda once dismissed social media politics, arguing that “ndale sitipanga pa Facebook.” However, it was precisely online platforms that shaped public perception as vote tallying unfolded. Influential digital commentators such as Kondwani Kachamba Ngiwra, Joshua Chisa Mbele, and Onjezani Kenani dominated the narrative in favour of the DPP, while MCP’s poorly resourced media team struggled to respond in real time.
Analysts further point to MCP’s long-standing tendency to sideline experts in political communication, data analysis and strategic planning. Unlike the DPP—which has consistently engaged technocrats, academics and diaspora-based professionals—MCP continues to rely on a narrow circle of loyalists. The result is a fragmented party lacking cohesion, innovation and strategic depth.
The challenge ahead for MCP is enormous. The party must not only rebrand itself to regain national appeal but also confront the alarming reality that it is losing ground even in the Central Region—its historic political base. Without deep structural reforms, serious investment in grassroots mobilisation, and a modern, professional political strategy, analysts warn that MCP risks long-term political irrelevance.
As Malawi’s political landscape becomes increasingly competitive and digitally driven, one conclusion is becoming unavoidable: without radical change, an MCP comeback is no longer just difficult—it appears increasingly unlikely.
