Suleman Chitera 
By Suleman Chitera
15 September 2026
Former Vice President Khumbo Kachali has called for a fundamental review of the constitutional powers of Malawi’s Vice President, arguing that the office has been weakened by the current legal framework and is increasingly being treated as though it were merely another Cabinet position.
Kachali says the situation requires urgent attention if Malawi is to preserve the constitutional importance and relevance of the Vice Presidency under the 1994 Constitution.
According to Kachali, there is a growing tendency within government circles to place the Vice President on the same level as Cabinet ministers, despite the Vice President occupying a constitutionally distinct position in the executive.
He has particularly raised concern over what he describes as efforts by some officials to mislead the President into believing that the Vice President is competing with the Head of State, a situation he says can create unnecessary tension within government.
‘Vice President Should Not Be Treated Like a Minister’
Kachali’s argument strikes at one of the long-standing questions surrounding Malawi’s executive structure: what exactly should the Vice President be empowered to do when the Constitution does not give the office sufficient independent responsibilities?
He argues that the Vice President should not be reduced to an official who waits for instructions or delegation from the President before undertaking meaningful executive responsibilities.
In his view, such an arrangement makes the office unnecessarily passive and creates room for confusion over its constitutional standing.
The former Vice President says Malawi needs to revisit the constitutional provisions governing the office and establish a clearer mandate that allows the Vice President to function effectively without constantly depending on presidential delegation.
A Constitutional Problem or Political Culture?
Kachali’s concerns also expose a deeper problem beyond the wording of the Constitution.
The effectiveness of a Vice President can depend heavily on the political relationship between the President and Vice President, as well as how other senior government officials interpret and respect the office.
If officials begin treating the Vice President as just another minister, the constitutional hierarchy of government can become blurred.
Kachali’s warning about officials allegedly telling Presidents that their deputies are competing with them is therefore particularly significant.
A Vice President does not have to be a rival to the President simply because the office carries substantial constitutional status.
Instead, a functioning executive should have clearly defined responsibilities, institutional discipline and mutual respect between the President and Vice President.
Delegation Cannot Be the Only Source of Power
One of Kachali’s strongest criticisms is that the Vice President can become inactive because many responsibilities depend on delegation from the President.
This, he argues, leaves the office vulnerable to political circumstances.
Where a President chooses to delegate extensively, a Vice President may become highly visible and active. Where delegation is limited, however, the same constitutional office can become largely ceremonial or inactive.
That raises an important question: Should the effectiveness of Malawi’s second-highest executive office depend almost entirely on the goodwill of the President?
Kachali believes the answer should be no.
He wants constitutional reforms that provide the Vice President with a clearer and more meaningful mandate, allowing the office-holder to discharge official responsibilities effectively while remaining within the constitutional structure of the executive.
Reform the Office Before the Crisis Gets Worse
The debate comes at a time when Malawi continues to grapple with questions surrounding governance, constitutional accountability and the distribution of executive authority.
Kachali’s call should therefore not simply be dismissed as a former Vice President defending the powers of an office he once occupied.
It raises a broader institutional question about whether Malawi’s constitutional architecture has kept pace with the country’s democratic development.
If the Vice President is constitutionally important enough to be elected alongside the President, then the country must ask whether the office has been given sufficient institutional authority to justify that status.
There must be clarity over what the Vice President can do, what responsibilities are inherent in the office, what requires presidential delegation and how other members of government are expected to relate to the Vice President.
Without such clarity, political personalities can determine how powerful or powerless the office becomes.
Kachali’s Challenge to Malawi
Kachali is effectively challenging Malawi to settle the matter through constitutional clarity rather than political interpretation.
The country cannot afford a system where the Vice President’s authority changes depending on the President’s personal relationship with the deputy or the advice being received from officials surrounding the Head of State.
Nor should the Vice President be viewed as a Cabinet minister who happens to occupy a higher title.
The office carries constitutional significance and should be structured accordingly.
For Kachali, the solution lies in reviewing the 1994 Constitution and strengthening the mandate of the Vice President so that the office remains relevant, effective and clearly positioned above Cabinet ministers.
The debate he has opened is therefore bigger than one individual or one administration.
It is about how Malawi wants its executive branch to function—and whether the country’s constitutional system provides enough clarity to prevent rivalry, confusion and institutional paralysis at the very top of government.
Kachali’s message is blunt: if Malawi wants a Vice President who can effectively serve the nation, the Constitution must give the office a mandate that goes beyond simply waiting for the President to delegate.
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